Social Isolation

Bava Kamma 60b ~ Quarantine and Social Isolation

By now, we are all experts in the pros and cons of quarantine and social distancing. COVID taught us that (before we became experts in containing Russia, and, more recently, in dealing with the intractable problem of peace in the Middle East). The COVID pandemic might seem like a long time ago, but we can still recall with ease the days of isolation that we had to observe, and how often the rules changed.

All of this makes today’s page of Talmud all the more interesting, since it contains the locus classicus that addresses quarantine and social distancing during a pandemic.

בבא קמא ס, ב

ת"ר דבר בעיר כנס רגליך

Our Rabbis taught: When there is an epidemic in the town keep your feet inside your house (Bava Kamma 60b.)

Social Isolation

There is a long history of isolating those with disease, beginning with our own Hebrew Bible:

 (כל ימי אשר הנגע בו יטמא טמא הוא בדד ישב מחוץ למחנה  מושבו.  (ויקרא פרק יג, מו

As long as they have the disease they remain unclean. They must live alone; they must live outside the camp (Lev. 13:46).

(צו את בני ישראל וישלחו מן המחנה כל צרוע וכל זב וכל טמא לנפש. (במדבר ה, ב

Command the people of Israel to remove from the camp anyone who has a skin disease or a discharge, or who has become ceremonially unclean by touching a dead person (Num. 5:2).

These are examples of social isolation, that is, individual and community measures that reduce the frequency of human contact during an epidemic. Here, for example, are some of the ways that social distancing was enforced during the Spanish flu epidemic of 1918-1918, an outbreak that killed about 40 million people worldwide:

... isolation of the ill; quarantine of suspect cases and families of the ill; closing schools; protective sequestration measures; closing worship services; closing entertainment venues and other public areas; staggered work schedules; face-mask recommendations or laws; reducing or shutting down public transportation services; restrictions on funerals, parties, and weddings; restrictions on door-to-door sales; curfews and business closures; social-distancing strategies for those encountering others during the crisis; public-health education measures; and declarations of public health emergencies. The motive, of course, was to help mitigate community transmission of influenza.

And you certainly don’t need to be reminded of the social isolation that we all went through during the COVID pandemic. The teaching in this page of Talmud emphasizes not the isolation or removal of those who are sick, but rather the reverse - the isolation of those who are well.  Of course the effect is the same: there is no contact between those who are ill and those who are well, but since there are usually many more well than there are sick, the effort and social disruption of isolation of the healthy will be much greater.  

Implementation of social distancing strategies is challenging. They likely must be imposed for the duration of the local epidemic and possibly until a strain-specific vaccine is developed and distributed. If compliance with the strategy is high over this period, an epidemic within a community can be averted. However, if neighboring communities do not also use these interventions, infected neighbors will continue to introduce influenza and prolong the local epidemic, albeit at a depressed level more easily accommodated by healthcare systems.
— Glass, RJ. et al. Targeted Social Distancing Design for Pandemic Influenza. Emerging Infectious Diseases 2006. 12: (11); 1671-1681.

It is not hard to see a relationship between expelling those who are ill and denying entry to those whose health is in doubt.  In the 14th century, when Europe was ravaged by several waves of bubonic plague that killed one-third of the population, many towns enacted measures to control the disease. Around 1347 the physician Jacob of Padua advised the city to establish a treatment area outside of the city walls for those who were sick.  "The impetus for these recommendations" wrote Paul Sehdev  from the University of Maryland School of Medicine, "was an early contagion theory, which promoted separation of healthy persons from those who were sick. Unfortunately, these measures proved to be only modestly effective and prompted the Great Council of the City to pursue more radical steps to prevent spread of the epidemic." And so the notion of quarantine was born. Here is Sehdev's version of the story:

In 1377, the Great Council passed a law establishing a trentino, or thirty-day isolation period . The 4 tenets of this law were as follows: (1) that citizens or visitors from plague-endemic areas would not be admitted into Ragusa until they had first remained in isolation for 1 month; (2) that no person from Ragusa was permitted go to the isolation area, under penalty of remaining there for 30 days; (3) that persons not assigned by the Great Council to care for those being quarantined were not permitted to bring food to isolated persons, under penalty of remaining with them for 1 month; and (4) that whoever did not observe these regulations would be fined and subjected to isolation for 1 month. During the next 80 years, similar laws were introduced in Marseilles, Venice, Pisa, and Genoa. Moreover, during this time the isolation period was extended from 30 days to 40 days, thus changing the name trentino to quarantino, a term derived from the Italian word quaranta, which means “forty."

The precise rationale for changing the isolation period from 30 days to 40 days is not known. Some authors suggest that it was changed because the shorter period was insufficient to pre- vent disease spread . Others believe that the change was related to the Christian observance of Lent, a 40-day period of spiritual purification. Still others believe that the 40-day period was adopted to reflect the duration of other biblical events, such as the great flood, Moses’ stay on Mt. Sinai, or Jesus’ stay in the wilderness. Perhaps the imposition of 40 days of isolation was derived from the ancient Greek doctrine of “critical days,” which held that contagious disease will develop within 40 days after exposure. Although the underlying rationale for changing the duration of isolation may never be known, the fundamental concept embodied in the quarantino has survived and is the basis for the modern practice of quarantine.

More talmudic health measures during an epidemic

In addition to staying indoors, on today’s page the Talmud recommends two other interventions during a plague:

ת"ר דבר בעיר אל יהלך אדם באמצע הדרך מפני שמלאך המות מהלך באמצע הדרכים

Our Rabbis taught: When there is an epidemic in the town, a person should not walk in the middle of the road, for the Angel of Death walks in the middle of the road...

 ת"ר דבר בעיר אל יכנס אדם יחיד לבית הכנסת שמלאך המות מפקיד שם כליו

Our Rabbis taught: When there is an epidemic in the town, a person should not enter the synagogue alone, because the Angel of Death deposits his tools there...

It probably won't surprise you to learn that neither of these two measures is discussed in the medical literature, and in fact if there's an epidemic in town, you probably shouldn't go to shul at all. 

How this page of Talmud was ignored by…

The early Codes of Jewish Law

There is nothing about this topic in the literature of the Ga’onim, the rabbis who continued to shape Jewish law after the redaction of the Babylonian Talmud, from about 600–1040. Neither is it mentioned in any of the three earliest codes of Jewish law, the Halakhot of Rabbi Yitzhaq Alfasi (11th century), the Mishnah Torah of Maimonides (late 12th century), and the Halakhot of Rabbi Asher ben Yehiel, better known by his acronym Rosh (late 13th to early 14th century). Asher ben Yehiel had a son by the name of Ya’akov, who organized the material from these three codes into an important new work known as the Tur, and which itself became the basis for the later authoritative Shulhan Aruch, which became the accepted Code of Jewish Law. But Ya’akov also ignored the entire topic of behavior during a pandemic.

The Maharsha

Later commentators on the Talmud added their own rulings about social isolation during a pandemic. The Polish exegete Rabbi Shmuel Eidels known by his acronym as Maharsha (1555–1631) wrote that the rabbis of the Talmud could not have been suggesting that one should not flee from the locus of a pandemic. “This is certainly not the case, because if there is an outbreak of plague in a town it is best to leave and flee for one’s life. Rather, the intent of the Talmud is that if one cannot flee, then do not go outside into the streets.” In true talmudic fashion, this comment of the Maharsha was itself commented on by a later rabbi, Yosef Hayyim from Baghdad (1835–1909) who is better known by the title of his major work on Jewish law, Ben Ish Hai. In his commentary on the Talmud, he wrote that “the words of the Maharsha are only applicable to [bubonic] plague. But in the case of cholera, even when arrangements could be made to care for a sick person at home, it is best to flee the city. Because cholera also frightens a person, and he can be consumed by the illness on account of this fear . . . Therefore it is best to flee far away so that his ears cannot hear and his eyes cannot see the sickness that rules over everyone, lest he be overtaken with fear, and he himself be taken, God forbid.

Sefer Hasidim

Although the practice of relocating because of a pandemic outbreak was not addressed in the early Jewish codes, it is mentioned in an important work called Sefer Hasidim (The Book of the Pious), a collection of folk stories, customs, and ethical adjurations that originated in the German Jewish community around Regensberg in the thirteenth century and was first published in 1487.

If there is plague in the city, and one heard that things are well in another city, they should not go there, for the Angel of Death has power over those who originate in that land, even aliens, so when caravans travel from a plagued city to a different land, it is smitten. However, if individuals go, and their intention is not commercial, it will not cause harm, and they are acting wisely. Anyone who wishes to escape should go to another land until the plague is arrested, and “May He destroy death forever” (Isaiah 25:8).

Clearly the Sefer Hasidim ignored the talmudic dictum to stay in one’s own house and ride out the pandemic. Sefer Hasidim encouraged individuals to flee, while disapproving of any large-scale organized temporary migration. It is not clear whether the Angel of Death alluded to here is identical with the Angel mentioned in the Talmud as “walking in the middle of the road” or is instead a moniker for the miasma, the tainted air that was thought to be the direct cause of pandemic illness from the time of the Talmud until the nineteenth century. Either way, the advice offered by Sefer Hasidim demonstrates that the Jewish practice at the time did not follow the advice of the Talmud.

The Maharil

The Sefer Hasidim was cited by a later authority, Rabbi Ya’akov ben Moshe Moellin (c. 1365–1427) who is better known by his acronym Maharil. He was born in Mainz but spent his later years in Worms where he was buried. In his most important work, he addressed the same vexing question: is it permitted to flee in the face of an impending epidemic? He offered a quasi-religious observation. The Talmud in tractate Sanhedrin observed that for “seven years there was a pestilence, yet no one died before his time.” Since death is predestined, fleeing from an epidemic or remaining in place is of no consequence; those who were fated by God to live will survive, while those ordained by God to die will do so, regardless of where they are. But Maharil downplayed this uncomfortable observation.

Instead, he cited the talmudic stories about the free reign of the Angel of Death. He also mentioned a ruling from his own teacher Rabbi Shalom Neusdadt (died c. 1413) who gave permission to flee during the early stages of an epidemic (though what constituted an “early stage” was not defined). This gave Maharil the freedom to find a rabbinic way to permit what it was that Jews were doing anyway. Faced with the conflicting talmudic sources but basing himself in part on the earlier Sefer Hasidim, Maharil wrote simply “for these reasons we do in fact flee” and concluded that “there appears to be no prohibition” in doing so.

The Maharshal

A century after Maharil, another rabbi codified the rulings about when and where to flee from an epidemic into law. The Polish Rabbi Shlomo Luria (1510– 1573), better known as Maharshal, descended from a family line that it was claimed could be traced back to Rashi, and his mother was herself a Talmudist of some repute. The Maharshal, like Maharil before him, ignored the talmudic advice that required to shelter-in-place: Here is his ruling:

“Section 26. The law about when a plague breaks out in a city: if the plague is not widespread you are required to flee. If it has become widespread, you should stay at home [lit. gather your feet].”

Luria considered the same talmudic sources cited by Maharil that suggested death can be indiscriminate during a plague, and referenced Maharil’s work, though without naming Maharil as the author. He concluded:

If a person has the ability to save himself and his property, then God forbid that he should not do so. He must separate himself from the sorrows of the community—even if as a result he will be punished by not being among those comforted by Zion.

Here is how the Maharshal concludes his legal opinion: “Therefore it is clear that if a plague comes to the city, a person must flee if he can do so, unless he has already contracted the plague and been cured, for then everyone says that he has nothing to fear.” He analyzed and reinterpreted today’s passage in the Talmud to be in harmony with what it was that everyone, Jew and Gentile alike, were doing when faced with an outbreak of plague, or indeed any infectious disease.

and by the Aruch Hashulchan

A few centuries later, another rabbi wrestled with the Talmud’s applicability, this time in a world in which vaccination was a reality. Rabbi Yehiel Michel Halevi Epstein (1829– 1908) served as the rabbi of Novogrudok (Navahrudak), in what is now Belarus for over 30 years, and while there he wrote the halakhic work by which he is best known, Aruch Hashulchan, first published in 1884.

The great rabbis have ruled that when there is an outbreak of smallpox in children and there are many deaths, a public fast should be declared. Every person, together with their young children should distance themselves from the city [where there is an outbreak], and should he not do so will pay for this with his life. And in the Talmud it is written “If there is plague in the city, gather your feet.” But smallpox is an infectious disease, and so there is an obligation to stay far from the city. Today the disease is not common, because about one hundred and fifty years ago the doctors started to give the cowpox [vaccine] to every young child aged about a year. In doing so they prevented this disease, as is well known.

But today the childhood disease called diphtheria is widespread, and it is a form of [the disease described in the Talmud as] askara which constricts the throat. I believe that if, God forbid, there is an outbreak of this disease, one should impose a public fast day.

Here, perhaps for the first time, is a new reason to ignore the Talmud’s advice: the infectious nature of smallpox. It had been well understood for centuries that many diseases are contagious, and that a person may become infected merely by having contact with the sick. But Rabbi Yehiel Michel Halevi Epstein was among the first to use the phrase mahala midabeket, which in modern Hebrew means “infectious disease.” Once the mechanisms of transmission began to be understood, it made sense to re-evaluate the talmudic advice to shelter-in-place. Such counsel was not sensible if the disease was likely to be spread easily from person to person, and the discovery of the role of bacteria and viruses would further support the importance of putting as much distance as possible between oneself and the outbreak of an epidemic. Epidemic outbreaks had once been understood as an unavoidable consequence of divine anger, planetary misalignment, or polluted air. But now they were acknowledged to be the entirely avoidable consequence of poor hand hygiene and an inattention to antisepsis.

[There is much, much more on the topic of fleeing, and on the larger Jewish encounter with pandemics in my book, The Eleventh Plague, from where much of the above is taken.]

 שולחן ערוך יורה דעה הלכות מאכלי עובדי כוכבים סימן קטז סעיף ה 

עוד כתבו שיש לברוח מן העיר כשדבר בעיר, ויש לצאת מן העיר בתחלת הדבר, ולא בסופו. וכל אלו הדברים הם משום סכנה, ושומר נפשו ירחק מהם ואסור לסמוך אנס או לסכן נפשו בכל כיוצא בזה

Initial growth of an infectious contact network. Colored rectangles denote persons of designated age class, and colored arrows denote groups within which the infectious transmission takes place. In this example, from the adult initial seed (large pu…

Initial growth of an infectious contact network. Colored rectangles denote persons of designated age class, and colored arrows denote groups within which the infectious transmission takes place. In this example, from the adult initial seed (large purple rectangle), 2 household contacts (light purple arrows) bring influenza to the middle or high school (blue arrows) where it spreads to other teenagers. Teenagers then spread influenza to children in households who spread it to other children in the elementary schools. Children and teenagers form the backbone of the infectious contact network and are critical to its spread; infectious transmissions occur mostly in the household, neighborhood, and schools. From Glass, RJ. et al. Targeted Social Distancing Design for Pandemic Influenza. Emerging Infectious Diseases 2006. 12: (11); 1671-1681.

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Shabbat 13a ~ The Original Social Distancing: Menstruation Taboos

Blessed Be God Who Killed that Man

Social distancing to prevent coronavirus infection is now part and parcel of our daily vocabulary. But in today’s page of Talmud there is a terrifying story of a different sort of social distancing. It is the distancing that must take place between a Jewish husband and wife during menstruation and for some of the days that follow.

שבת יג, א–ב

תָּנֵי דְּבֵי אֵלִיָּהוּ: מַעֲשֶׂה בְּתַלְמִיד אֶחָד שֶׁשָּׁנָה הַרְבֵּה, וְקָרָא הַרְבֵּה, וְשִׁימֵּשׁ תַּלְמִידֵי חֲכָמִים הַרְבֵּה, וּמֵת בַּחֲצִי יָמָיו. וְהָיְתָה אִשְׁתּוֹ נוֹטֶלֶת תְּפִילָּיו וּמְחַזַּרְתָּם בְּבָתֵּי כְנֵסִיּוֹת וּבְבָתֵּי מִדְרָשׁוֹת, וְאָמְרָה לָהֶם: כָּתוּב בַּתּוֹרָה ״כִּי הוּא חַיֶּיךָ וְאוֹרֶךְ יָמֶיךָ״, בַּעֲלִי שֶׁשָּׁנָה הַרְבֵּה וְקָרָא הַרְבֵּה וְשִׁימֵּשׁ תַּלְמִידֵי חֲכָמִים הַרְבֵּה, מִפְּנֵי מָה מֵת בַּחֲצִי יָמָיו? וְלֹא הָיָה אָדָם מַחְזִירָהּ דָּבָר

. פַּעַם אַחַת נִתְאָרַחְתִּי אֶצְלָהּ וְהָיְתָה מְסִיחָה כׇּל אוֹתוֹ מְאוֹרָע. וְאָמַרְתִּי לָהּ: בִּתִּי, בִּימֵי נִדּוּתֵךְ מַה הוּא אֶצְלֵךְ? אָמְרָה לִי: חַס וְשָׁלוֹם, אֲפִילּוּ בְּאֶצְבַּע קְטַנָּה לֹא נָגַע [בִּי]. בִּימֵי לִבּוּנִיךָ מַהוּ אֶצְלֵךְ? אָכַל עִמִּי וְשָׁתָה עִמִּי וְיָשַׁן עִמִּי בְּקֵירוּב בָּשָׂר, וְלֹא עָלְתָה דַּעְתּוֹ עַל דָּבָר אַחֵר. וְאָמַרְתִּי לָהּ: בָּרוּךְ הַמָּקוֹם שֶׁהֲרָגוֹ, שֶׁלֹּא נָשָׂא פָּנִים לַתּוֹרָה. שֶׁהֲרֵי אָמְרָה תּוֹרָה: ״וְאֶל אִשָּׁה בְּנִדַּת טוּמְאָתָהּ לֹא תִקְרַב״

The Sage in the school of Eliyahu taught a baraita that deals with this halakha: There was an incident involving one student who studied much Mishnah and read much Bible, and served Torah scholars extensively, studying Torah from them, and, nevertheless, died at half his days, half his life expectancy. His wife in her bitterness would take his phylacteries and go around with them to synagogues and study halls, and she said to the Sages: It is written in the Torah: “For it is your life and the length of your days” (Deuteronomy 30:20). If so, my husband who studied much Mishnah, and read much Bible, and served Torah scholars extensively, why did he die at half his days? Where is the length of days promised him in the verse? No one would respond to her astonishment at all. 

Eliyahu said: One time I was a guest in her house, and she was relating that entire event with regard to the death of her husband. And I said to her: My daughter, during the period of your menstruation, how did he act toward you? She said to me: Heaven forbid, he did not touch me even with his little finger. And I asked her: In the days of your white garments, after the menstrual flow ended, and you were just counting clean days, how did he act toward you then? She said to me: He ate with me, and drank with me, and slept with me with bodily contact and, however, it did not enter his mind about something else, i.e., conjugal relations. And I said to her: Blessed is the Omnipresent who killed him for this sin, as your husband did not show respect to the Torah. The Torah said: “And to a woman in the separation of her impurity you should not approach” (Leviticus 18:19), even mere affectionate contact is prohibited. 

How the uterus lining builds up and breaks down during the menstrual cycle.

How the uterus lining builds up and breaks down during the menstrual cycle.

In this sad story, God is praised for taking the life of an otherwise pious individual who allowed himself to sleep in proximity to his wife during some of the rabbinically required prohibited days of contact that follow menstruation. These laws make up the very last tractate of the Babylonian Talmud, called Niddah. It addresses the laws of a woman who is menstruating: how she becomes ritually impure, what she ritually contaminates, how she is forbidden to have sexual relations with her husband, and how she may leave her status and become ritually pure. To this day many of these laws are carefully followed by religious Jewish couples who observe periods of sexual abstinence during and following the menstrual period. It is fascinating to learn just how widespread these menstrual taboos are in all manner of human society.

It’s Not Just Judaism

It is not just the Jewish tradition that identifies menstruation with ritual impurity (and physical danger). Mary Douglas in her now classic work Purity and Danger noted that this connection was found among many disparate cultures. For example (and there are many) the Mae Enga from the Central Highland of New Guinea also have strong beliefs about sexual pollution. “They believe that contact with it or with a menstruating women will, in the absence of appropriate counter-magic, sicken a man and cause persistent vomiting, “kill” his blood so that it turns black, corrupt his vital juices so that his skin darkens and hangs in folds as his flesh wastes, permanently dull his wits, and eventually lead to a slow decline and death.” And then there are the Lele, a group that lives in the Kinshasa region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Here is Douglas (P&D 152):

… a menstruating [Lele] woman could not cook for her husband or poke the fire, lest he fall ill. She could prepare the food, but when it came to approaching the fire she had to call a friend in to help. These dangers were only risked by men, not by other women or children. Finally, a menstruating woman was a danger to the whole community if she entered the forest. Not only was her menstruation certain to wreck any enterprise in the forest that she might undertake, but it was thought to produce unfavourable conditions for men.

According to the South Sudan News Agency, (which claims to be “South Sudan’s Leading Independent News Source”) the Nuer (the second largest tribe in South Sudan) also have their own version of the laws of Niddah:

Many aspects of the Nuer culture are sometimes similar to the cultural aspects of the Bible’s Old Testament people which include feature of their social structure, the kinship reckoning and the extended family aspects of marriage, divorce, rite of passage and even religious concepts of God, spirits, sin and sacrifice. In the spiritual beliefs of Nuer culture, “women who are having their menstrual period cannot drink milk, visit the cattle area or eat food that had been cooked in kettle used for boiling milk because doing so would be harmful to the cattle.”

The Koran (not the Koren) also records a warning against intimacy with a menstruating woman:

And they ask you about menstruation; Say It is harm, so keep away from women during menstruation; And do not approach them until they become pure And when they have purified themselves, then come to them from where Allah has ordained for you; Indeed, Allah loves those who are constantly repentant and loves those who purify themselves. (Al-Quran 2:222-223)

And what about Hindus? In 2011, two Indian researchers published an analysis of the social and cultural practices regarding menstruation. They studied a group of Indian adolescent girls and their mothers from various communities and classes in Ranchi in eastern India, and found that both Hindu (and Moslem) women practiced varying menstrual taboos:

Hindu girls reported restricting themselves from religious practices during menstruation whereas Muslim (follower of Islam) girls reported that they do not touch religious books or read ‘‘Namaz’’ or even do not go to the ‘‘Mazaar (shrine).’’ Even the Sarna tribe girls do not go to the ‘‘Sarnasthal (Worship place of Sarna people)’’ during menstruation however, Christian girls reported that they worship and attend church during menses and can even touch and read the holy Bible.

If you want to get a sense of prevailing attitudes about menstruation at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem, try this, written by Pliny the Elder written around 79 CE in his famous work Natural History (7:15):

But it would be difficult to find anything more bizarre than a woman's menstrual flow. Proximity to it turns new wine sour; crops tainted with it are barren, grafts die, garden seedlings shrivel, fruit falls from the tree on which it is growing, mirrors are clouded by its very reflection, knife blades are blunted, the gleam of ivory dulled, hives of bees die, even bronze and iron are instantly corroded by rust and a dreadful smell contaminates the air.

Ritual impurity as disorder

One of Mary Douglas’ many contributions to the ethnographic study of purity is her analysis of the concept of “dirt”:

If we can abstract pathogenicity and hygiene from our notion of dirt, we are left with the old definition of dirt as matter out of place. This is a very suggestive approach. It implies two conditions: a set of ordered relations and a contravention of that order. Dirt then, is never a unique, isolated event. Where there is dirt there is system. Dirt is the by-product of a systematic ordering and classification of matter, in so far as ordering involves rejecting inappropriate elements…. It is a relative idea. Shoes are not dirty in themselves, but it is dirty to place them on the dining-table; food is not dirty in itself, but it is dirty to leave cooking utensils in the bedroom, or food bespattered on clothing…(P&D 36-37)

Perhaps then, rabbinic hierarchies of ritual purity and impurity were an attempt to identify "matter out of place.” Douglas wrote that “if uncleanness is matter out of place, we must approach it through order.” Which is precisely what the complicated laws found in this tractate attempt to do.

...the binary, pure/impure structure at the base of nidah also imposed order on the chaos.
— Shai Secunda. The Talmud's Red Fence. Oxford University Press, forthcoming.

Shai Secunda and the Iranian Talmud

Shai Secunda is Associate Professor of Judaism at Bard College and the Persian language consultant for Koren’s Steinsaltz Talmud. He is a scholar of the historic Iran in which the Babylonian Talmud was produced, and he has written a new and invaluable book when it comes to the history of the Jewish laws of Niddah: The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstruation and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Contex. Alas you will need to wait until September 2020 for Oxford University Press to publish it. What makes his book really interesting is that it he reads talmudic passages alongside texts composed by the neighboring religious communities in the Sasanian Empire, which was comprised of “an impressively diverse spectrum of religious communities including, among others, Christians, Manichaeans, Mandaeans, Jews, and Zoroastrians.” The empire lasted from 224-651 CE and was the last Persian kingdom before the rise of Islam. It was inside of this empire that the Babylonian Talmud was composed. Secunda noted for example, that in Zoroastrian tradition there was a myth about the dangerous powers of the gaze of menstruating women. (You can find more examples in his 2014 paper The Fractious Eye: On the Evil Eye of Menstruants in Zoroastrian Tradition.)

And she should not look at the sun nor at the other luminaries. And she should not look at cattle and plants. And she should not engage in conversation with a righteous man, for a demon of such violence is the demon of menstruation that, [where] the other demons do not strike things with the evil eye, this one strikes [them] with the evil eye.

The Zoroastrian Parallels of Niddah

Secunda notes some important parallels between this Zoroastrian tradition and some of the laws of Niddah that were formulated in the Babylonian Talmud. Take for example the Middle Persian compilation known as Sayist ne Sayist. Here is an excerpt, translated by Secunda:

A menstruant woman who becomes clean within a three-night period, should not wash until the fifth day. And from the fifth day to the ninth day, whenever she becomes clean, she is to keep sitting in cleanness for one day for the waiting period. Afterwards, she should wash in the usual way. And after the nine-day waiting period, the waiting period is not an issue...

[Regarding] the menstruant woman, if she has sat in [a state of] menstruation for one month and she [still] is not clean on the thirtieth day, even if she at that time did become clean, and afterwards again became a menstruant, then the [requirement of] the waiting period goes back to the beginning, and it is not authorized for her to wash until the fifth day.

“As the text makes clear,” he writes, “according to Zoroastrian law a woman cannot simply purify herself as soon as her menstrual flow ceases, rather she must wait additional time before purification is allowed. The technical Middle Persian term for the additional day is tayag – “(waiting) period,” while the practice of observing it is known as “sitting in cleanness.”  This stringency reminds us of another (Niddah 66a), this one enacted by the Jews in Babylon (and still practiced today):

R. Zeira said: The daughters of Israel were stringent on themselves that even if they see a drop of [vaginal] blood like [the size of] a mustard-seed, they sit [and wait] seven clean [days] on account of it.

Secunda notes that “as it is introduced here, the origin of the described custom is not located in Biblical law, nor is it a legacy of rabbinic legislation, rather, it is attributed to Jewish women who are said to have taken up the stringency on their own.” Thus there is

evidence that two religious communities living alongside Babylonian Jewry deliberately extended ritual impurity even beyond the actual menstrual period. Mandaean authorities strenuously maintained that a couple must wait for a final, post-menstrual baptism before reuniting sexually. Sasanian Zoroastrian priests put considerable effort into establishing, delineating, and debating a one-day ritual waiting period, which was exegetically linked to a section of their scriptures. In short, all three religious communities tried, in their own way, to extend ritual impurity beyond the menstrual flow.

Then Secunda suggests this, which he acknowledges is “entirely within the realm of speculation.”

How might we envisage the role that the Sasanian religious context may potentially have played in the invention of the Jewish “clean day” stringency? In light of our above focus on the attribution of the stringency to the “Daughters of Israel,” perhaps it was specifically Jewish women who acted as a conduit for outside religious influence. It could be argued that female piety draws more easily on neighboring female practices – even ones initiated by male religious authorities, like Zoroastrian priests. Unlike rigorously policed rabbinic discourse, Jewish women could have conceivably “traded notes” with their gentile neighbors with far greater ease than their male compatriots, allowing for a more seamless adoption of new customs and approaches…

In some of his early work on the relationship between Babylonian Jewry and Sasanian Zoroastrianism, Yaakov Elman posited a kind of one- upmanship – in his formulation, a “holier than thou syndrome” – between Jewish and Zoroastrian women. One dynamic of this competition would be that Jewish women could argue that their approach of waiting a full seven days following their period was more stringent, purer, and thus more efficacious, than both the Mandaean and Zoroastrian systems.

There is a great deal more of interest in Secunda’s book, which finishes with these wise words:

Not only do observant Jews still practice the strictures of nidah, difference and differentiation remain an important part of the calculus. To this day, one of the measures by which religious Jews identify themselves as religious is based on the observance of “family purity” – as the laws of nidah are commonly known…. 

Whether we like it or not, difference continues to form the bedrock of meaning and with it, human culture and society. …systems of purity and impurity, with their differences and distinctions, are here to stay. We might as well try to make sense of them.

Social distancing has been a profound part of many human cultures for millennia. Today, we experience it at the supermarket or walking down the street, but for many it is still practiced in the most private of spaces, in the bedroom, between a wife and her husband.

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Bava Kamma 60b ~ Quarantine and Social Isolation

בבא קמא ס, ב

ת"ר דבר בעיר כנס רגליך

Our Rabbis taught: When there is an epidemic in the town keep your feet inside your house (Bava Kamma 60b.)

Social Isolation

There is a long history of isolating those with disease, beginning with our own Hebrew Bible:

 (כל ימי אשר הנגע בו יטמא טמא הוא בדד ישב מחוץ למחנה  מושבו.  (ויקרא פרק יג, מו

As long as they have the disease they remain unclean. They must live alone; they must live outside the camp (Lev. 13:46).

(צו את בני ישראל וישלחו מן המחנה כל צרוע וכל זב וכל טמא לנפש. (במדבר ה, ב

Command the people of Israel to remove from the camp anyone who has a skin disease or a discharge, or who has become ceremonially unclean by touching a dead person (Num. 5:2).

These are examples of social isolation, that is, individual and community measures that reduce the frequency of human contact during an epidemic. Here, for example, are some of the ways that social distancing was enforced during the Spanish flu epidemic of 1918-1918, an outbreak that killed about 40 million people worldwide:

... isolation of the ill; quarantine of suspect cases and families of the ill; closing schools; protective sequestration measures; closing worship services; closing entertainment venues and other public areas; staggered work schedules; face-mask recommendations or laws; reducing or shutting down public transportation services; restrictions on funerals, parties, and weddings; restrictions on door-to-door sales; curfews and business closures; social-distancing strategies for those encountering others during the crisis; public-health education measures; and declarations of public health emergencies. The motive, of course, was to help mitigate community transmission of influenza.

The teaching in tomorrow's page of Talmud emphasizes not the isolation or removal of those who are sick, but rather the reverse - the isolation of those who are well.  Of course the effect is the same: there is no contact between those who are ill and those who are well, but since there are usually many more well than there are sick, the effort and social disruption of isolation of the healthy will be much greater.  

Implementation of social distancing strategies is challenging. They likely must be imposed for the duration of the local epidemic and possibly until a strain-specific vaccine is developed and distributed. If compliance with the strategy is high over this period, an epidemic within a community can be averted. However, if neighboring communities do not also use these interventions, infected neighbors will continue to introduce influenza and prolong the local epidemic, albeit at a depressed level more easily accommodated by healthcare systems.
— Glass, RJ. et al. Targeted Social Distancing Design for Pandemic Influenza. Emerging Infectious Diseases 2006. 12: (11); 1671-1681.

It is not hard to see a relationship between expelling those who are ill and denying entry to those whose health is in doubt.  In the 14th century, when Europe was ravaged by several waves of bubonic plague that killed one-third of the population, many towns enacted measures to control the disease. Around 1347 the physician Jacob of Padua advised the city to establish a treatment area outside of the city walls for those who were sick.  "The impetus for these recommendations" wrote Paul Sehdev  from the University of Maryland School of Medicine, "was an early contagion theory, which promoted separation of healthy persons from those who were sick. Unfortunately, these measures proved to be only modestly effective and prompted the Great Council of the City to pursue more radical steps to prevent spread of the epidemic." And so the notion of quarantine was born. Here is Sehdev's version of the story:

In 1377, the Great Council passed a law establishing a trentino, or thirty-day isolation period . The 4 tenets of this law were as follows: (1) that citizens or visitors from plague-endemic areas would not be admitted into Ragusa until they had first remained in isolation for 1 month; (2) that no person from Ragusa was permitted go to the isolation area, under penalty of remaining there for 30 days; (3) that persons not assigned by the Great Council to care for those being quarantined were not permitted to bring food to isolated persons, under penalty of remaining with them for 1 month; and (4) that whoever did not observe these regulations would be fined and subjected to isolation for 1 month. During the next 80 years, similar laws were introduced in Marseilles, Venice, Pisa, and Genoa. Moreover, during this time the isolation period was extended from 30 days to 40 days, thus changing the name trentino to quarantino, a term derived from the Italian word quaranta, which means “forty."

The precise rationale for changing the isolation period from 30 days to 40 days is not known. Some authors suggest that it was changed because the shorter period was insufficient to pre- vent disease spread . Others believe that the change was related to the Christian observance of Lent, a 40-day period of spiritual purification. Still others believe that the 40-day period was adopted to reflect the duration of other biblical events, such as the great flood, Moses’ stay on Mt. Sinai, or Jesus’ stay in the wilderness. Perhaps the imposition of 40 days of isolation was derived from the ancient Greek doctrine of “critical days,” which held that contagious disease will develop within 40 days after exposure. Although the underlying rationale for changing the duration of isolation may never be known, the fundamental concept embodied in the quarantino has survived and is the basis for the modern practice of quarantine.

More talmudic health measures during an epidemic

In addition to staying indoors, tomorrow's page of  Talmud recommends two other interventions during a plague:

ת"ר דבר בעיר אל יהלך אדם באמצע הדרך מפני שמלאך המות מהלך באמצע הדרכים

Our Rabbis taught: When there is an epidemic in the town, a person should not walk in the middle of the road, for the Angel of Death walks in the middle of the road...

 ת"ר דבר בעיר אל יכנס אדם יחיד לבית הכנסת שמלאך המות מפקיד שם כליו

Our Rabbis taught: When there is an epidemic in the town, a person should not enter the synagogue alone, because the Angel of Death deposits his tools there...

It probably won't surprise you to learn that neither of these two measures is discussed in the medical literature, and in fact if there's an epidemic in town, you probably shouldn't go to shul at all. Nevertheless, the first suggestion made by the rabbis - to isolate yourself from others during an epidemic - is a basic part of public infection control. You'd be wise to listen.  

שולחן ערוך יורה דעה הלכות מאכלי עובדי כוכבים סימן קטז סעיף ה 

עוד כתבו שיש לברוח מן העיר כשדבר בעיר, ויש לצאת מן העיר בתחלת הדבר, ולא בסופו. וכל אלו הדברים הם משום סכנה, ושומר נפשו ירחק מהם ואסור לסמוך אנס או לסכן נפשו בכל כיוצא בזה

Initial growth of an infectious contact network. Colored rectangles denote persons of designated age class, and colored arrows denote groups within which the infectious transmission takes place. In this example, from the adult initial seed (large pu…

Initial growth of an infectious contact network. Colored rectangles denote persons of designated age class, and colored arrows denote groups within which the infectious transmission takes place. In this example, from the adult initial seed (large purple rectangle), 2 household contacts (light purple arrows) bring influenza to the middle or high school (blue arrows) where it spreads to other teenagers. Teenagers then spread influenza to children in households who spread it to other children in the elementary schools. Children and teenagers form the backbone of the infectious contact network and are critical to its spread; infectious transmissions occur mostly in the household, neighborhood, and schools. From Glass, RJ. et al. Targeted Social Distancing Design for Pandemic Influenza. Emerging Infectious Diseases 2006. 12: (11); 1671-1681.

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