Plague

Bava Kamma 60b ~ Quarantine and Social Isolation

By now, we are all experts in the pros and cons of quarantine and social distancing. COVID taught us that (before we became experts in containing Russia, and, more recently, in dealing with the intractable problem of peace in the Middle East). The COVID pandemic might seem like a long time ago, but we can still recall with ease the days of isolation that we had to observe, and how often the rules changed.

All of this makes today’s page of Talmud all the more interesting, since it contains the locus classicus that addresses quarantine and social distancing during a pandemic.

בבא קמא ס, ב

ת"ר דבר בעיר כנס רגליך

Our Rabbis taught: When there is an epidemic in the town keep your feet inside your house (Bava Kamma 60b.)

Social Isolation

There is a long history of isolating those with disease, beginning with our own Hebrew Bible:

 (כל ימי אשר הנגע בו יטמא טמא הוא בדד ישב מחוץ למחנה  מושבו.  (ויקרא פרק יג, מו

As long as they have the disease they remain unclean. They must live alone; they must live outside the camp (Lev. 13:46).

(צו את בני ישראל וישלחו מן המחנה כל צרוע וכל זב וכל טמא לנפש. (במדבר ה, ב

Command the people of Israel to remove from the camp anyone who has a skin disease or a discharge, or who has become ceremonially unclean by touching a dead person (Num. 5:2).

These are examples of social isolation, that is, individual and community measures that reduce the frequency of human contact during an epidemic. Here, for example, are some of the ways that social distancing was enforced during the Spanish flu epidemic of 1918-1918, an outbreak that killed about 40 million people worldwide:

... isolation of the ill; quarantine of suspect cases and families of the ill; closing schools; protective sequestration measures; closing worship services; closing entertainment venues and other public areas; staggered work schedules; face-mask recommendations or laws; reducing or shutting down public transportation services; restrictions on funerals, parties, and weddings; restrictions on door-to-door sales; curfews and business closures; social-distancing strategies for those encountering others during the crisis; public-health education measures; and declarations of public health emergencies. The motive, of course, was to help mitigate community transmission of influenza.

And you certainly don’t need to be reminded of the social isolation that we all went through during the COVID pandemic. The teaching in this page of Talmud emphasizes not the isolation or removal of those who are sick, but rather the reverse - the isolation of those who are well.  Of course the effect is the same: there is no contact between those who are ill and those who are well, but since there are usually many more well than there are sick, the effort and social disruption of isolation of the healthy will be much greater.  

Implementation of social distancing strategies is challenging. They likely must be imposed for the duration of the local epidemic and possibly until a strain-specific vaccine is developed and distributed. If compliance with the strategy is high over this period, an epidemic within a community can be averted. However, if neighboring communities do not also use these interventions, infected neighbors will continue to introduce influenza and prolong the local epidemic, albeit at a depressed level more easily accommodated by healthcare systems.
— Glass, RJ. et al. Targeted Social Distancing Design for Pandemic Influenza. Emerging Infectious Diseases 2006. 12: (11); 1671-1681.

It is not hard to see a relationship between expelling those who are ill and denying entry to those whose health is in doubt.  In the 14th century, when Europe was ravaged by several waves of bubonic plague that killed one-third of the population, many towns enacted measures to control the disease. Around 1347 the physician Jacob of Padua advised the city to establish a treatment area outside of the city walls for those who were sick.  "The impetus for these recommendations" wrote Paul Sehdev  from the University of Maryland School of Medicine, "was an early contagion theory, which promoted separation of healthy persons from those who were sick. Unfortunately, these measures proved to be only modestly effective and prompted the Great Council of the City to pursue more radical steps to prevent spread of the epidemic." And so the notion of quarantine was born. Here is Sehdev's version of the story:

In 1377, the Great Council passed a law establishing a trentino, or thirty-day isolation period . The 4 tenets of this law were as follows: (1) that citizens or visitors from plague-endemic areas would not be admitted into Ragusa until they had first remained in isolation for 1 month; (2) that no person from Ragusa was permitted go to the isolation area, under penalty of remaining there for 30 days; (3) that persons not assigned by the Great Council to care for those being quarantined were not permitted to bring food to isolated persons, under penalty of remaining with them for 1 month; and (4) that whoever did not observe these regulations would be fined and subjected to isolation for 1 month. During the next 80 years, similar laws were introduced in Marseilles, Venice, Pisa, and Genoa. Moreover, during this time the isolation period was extended from 30 days to 40 days, thus changing the name trentino to quarantino, a term derived from the Italian word quaranta, which means “forty."

The precise rationale for changing the isolation period from 30 days to 40 days is not known. Some authors suggest that it was changed because the shorter period was insufficient to pre- vent disease spread . Others believe that the change was related to the Christian observance of Lent, a 40-day period of spiritual purification. Still others believe that the 40-day period was adopted to reflect the duration of other biblical events, such as the great flood, Moses’ stay on Mt. Sinai, or Jesus’ stay in the wilderness. Perhaps the imposition of 40 days of isolation was derived from the ancient Greek doctrine of “critical days,” which held that contagious disease will develop within 40 days after exposure. Although the underlying rationale for changing the duration of isolation may never be known, the fundamental concept embodied in the quarantino has survived and is the basis for the modern practice of quarantine.

More talmudic health measures during an epidemic

In addition to staying indoors, on today’s page the Talmud recommends two other interventions during a plague:

ת"ר דבר בעיר אל יהלך אדם באמצע הדרך מפני שמלאך המות מהלך באמצע הדרכים

Our Rabbis taught: When there is an epidemic in the town, a person should not walk in the middle of the road, for the Angel of Death walks in the middle of the road...

 ת"ר דבר בעיר אל יכנס אדם יחיד לבית הכנסת שמלאך המות מפקיד שם כליו

Our Rabbis taught: When there is an epidemic in the town, a person should not enter the synagogue alone, because the Angel of Death deposits his tools there...

It probably won't surprise you to learn that neither of these two measures is discussed in the medical literature, and in fact if there's an epidemic in town, you probably shouldn't go to shul at all. 

How this page of Talmud was ignored by…

The early Codes of Jewish Law

There is nothing about this topic in the literature of the Ga’onim, the rabbis who continued to shape Jewish law after the redaction of the Babylonian Talmud, from about 600–1040. Neither is it mentioned in any of the three earliest codes of Jewish law, the Halakhot of Rabbi Yitzhaq Alfasi (11th century), the Mishnah Torah of Maimonides (late 12th century), and the Halakhot of Rabbi Asher ben Yehiel, better known by his acronym Rosh (late 13th to early 14th century). Asher ben Yehiel had a son by the name of Ya’akov, who organized the material from these three codes into an important new work known as the Tur, and which itself became the basis for the later authoritative Shulhan Aruch, which became the accepted Code of Jewish Law. But Ya’akov also ignored the entire topic of behavior during a pandemic.

The Maharsha

Later commentators on the Talmud added their own rulings about social isolation during a pandemic. The Polish exegete Rabbi Shmuel Eidels known by his acronym as Maharsha (1555–1631) wrote that the rabbis of the Talmud could not have been suggesting that one should not flee from the locus of a pandemic. “This is certainly not the case, because if there is an outbreak of plague in a town it is best to leave and flee for one’s life. Rather, the intent of the Talmud is that if one cannot flee, then do not go outside into the streets.” In true talmudic fashion, this comment of the Maharsha was itself commented on by a later rabbi, Yosef Hayyim from Baghdad (1835–1909) who is better known by the title of his major work on Jewish law, Ben Ish Hai. In his commentary on the Talmud, he wrote that “the words of the Maharsha are only applicable to [bubonic] plague. But in the case of cholera, even when arrangements could be made to care for a sick person at home, it is best to flee the city. Because cholera also frightens a person, and he can be consumed by the illness on account of this fear . . . Therefore it is best to flee far away so that his ears cannot hear and his eyes cannot see the sickness that rules over everyone, lest he be overtaken with fear, and he himself be taken, God forbid.

Sefer Hasidim

Although the practice of relocating because of a pandemic outbreak was not addressed in the early Jewish codes, it is mentioned in an important work called Sefer Hasidim (The Book of the Pious), a collection of folk stories, customs, and ethical adjurations that originated in the German Jewish community around Regensberg in the thirteenth century and was first published in 1487.

If there is plague in the city, and one heard that things are well in another city, they should not go there, for the Angel of Death has power over those who originate in that land, even aliens, so when caravans travel from a plagued city to a different land, it is smitten. However, if individuals go, and their intention is not commercial, it will not cause harm, and they are acting wisely. Anyone who wishes to escape should go to another land until the plague is arrested, and “May He destroy death forever” (Isaiah 25:8).

Clearly the Sefer Hasidim ignored the talmudic dictum to stay in one’s own house and ride out the pandemic. Sefer Hasidim encouraged individuals to flee, while disapproving of any large-scale organized temporary migration. It is not clear whether the Angel of Death alluded to here is identical with the Angel mentioned in the Talmud as “walking in the middle of the road” or is instead a moniker for the miasma, the tainted air that was thought to be the direct cause of pandemic illness from the time of the Talmud until the nineteenth century. Either way, the advice offered by Sefer Hasidim demonstrates that the Jewish practice at the time did not follow the advice of the Talmud.

The Maharil

The Sefer Hasidim was cited by a later authority, Rabbi Ya’akov ben Moshe Moellin (c. 1365–1427) who is better known by his acronym Maharil. He was born in Mainz but spent his later years in Worms where he was buried. In his most important work, he addressed the same vexing question: is it permitted to flee in the face of an impending epidemic? He offered a quasi-religious observation. The Talmud in tractate Sanhedrin observed that for “seven years there was a pestilence, yet no one died before his time.” Since death is predestined, fleeing from an epidemic or remaining in place is of no consequence; those who were fated by God to live will survive, while those ordained by God to die will do so, regardless of where they are. But Maharil downplayed this uncomfortable observation.

Instead, he cited the talmudic stories about the free reign of the Angel of Death. He also mentioned a ruling from his own teacher Rabbi Shalom Neusdadt (died c. 1413) who gave permission to flee during the early stages of an epidemic (though what constituted an “early stage” was not defined). This gave Maharil the freedom to find a rabbinic way to permit what it was that Jews were doing anyway. Faced with the conflicting talmudic sources but basing himself in part on the earlier Sefer Hasidim, Maharil wrote simply “for these reasons we do in fact flee” and concluded that “there appears to be no prohibition” in doing so.

The Maharshal

A century after Maharil, another rabbi codified the rulings about when and where to flee from an epidemic into law. The Polish Rabbi Shlomo Luria (1510– 1573), better known as Maharshal, descended from a family line that it was claimed could be traced back to Rashi, and his mother was herself a Talmudist of some repute. The Maharshal, like Maharil before him, ignored the talmudic advice that required to shelter-in-place: Here is his ruling:

“Section 26. The law about when a plague breaks out in a city: if the plague is not widespread you are required to flee. If it has become widespread, you should stay at home [lit. gather your feet].”

Luria considered the same talmudic sources cited by Maharil that suggested death can be indiscriminate during a plague, and referenced Maharil’s work, though without naming Maharil as the author. He concluded:

If a person has the ability to save himself and his property, then God forbid that he should not do so. He must separate himself from the sorrows of the community—even if as a result he will be punished by not being among those comforted by Zion.

Here is how the Maharshal concludes his legal opinion: “Therefore it is clear that if a plague comes to the city, a person must flee if he can do so, unless he has already contracted the plague and been cured, for then everyone says that he has nothing to fear.” He analyzed and reinterpreted today’s passage in the Talmud to be in harmony with what it was that everyone, Jew and Gentile alike, were doing when faced with an outbreak of plague, or indeed any infectious disease.

and by the Aruch Hashulchan

A few centuries later, another rabbi wrestled with the Talmud’s applicability, this time in a world in which vaccination was a reality. Rabbi Yehiel Michel Halevi Epstein (1829– 1908) served as the rabbi of Novogrudok (Navahrudak), in what is now Belarus for over 30 years, and while there he wrote the halakhic work by which he is best known, Aruch Hashulchan, first published in 1884.

The great rabbis have ruled that when there is an outbreak of smallpox in children and there are many deaths, a public fast should be declared. Every person, together with their young children should distance themselves from the city [where there is an outbreak], and should he not do so will pay for this with his life. And in the Talmud it is written “If there is plague in the city, gather your feet.” But smallpox is an infectious disease, and so there is an obligation to stay far from the city. Today the disease is not common, because about one hundred and fifty years ago the doctors started to give the cowpox [vaccine] to every young child aged about a year. In doing so they prevented this disease, as is well known.

But today the childhood disease called diphtheria is widespread, and it is a form of [the disease described in the Talmud as] askara which constricts the throat. I believe that if, God forbid, there is an outbreak of this disease, one should impose a public fast day.

Here, perhaps for the first time, is a new reason to ignore the Talmud’s advice: the infectious nature of smallpox. It had been well understood for centuries that many diseases are contagious, and that a person may become infected merely by having contact with the sick. But Rabbi Yehiel Michel Halevi Epstein was among the first to use the phrase mahala midabeket, which in modern Hebrew means “infectious disease.” Once the mechanisms of transmission began to be understood, it made sense to re-evaluate the talmudic advice to shelter-in-place. Such counsel was not sensible if the disease was likely to be spread easily from person to person, and the discovery of the role of bacteria and viruses would further support the importance of putting as much distance as possible between oneself and the outbreak of an epidemic. Epidemic outbreaks had once been understood as an unavoidable consequence of divine anger, planetary misalignment, or polluted air. But now they were acknowledged to be the entirely avoidable consequence of poor hand hygiene and an inattention to antisepsis.

[There is much, much more on the topic of fleeing, and on the larger Jewish encounter with pandemics in my book, The Eleventh Plague, from where much of the above is taken.]

 שולחן ערוך יורה דעה הלכות מאכלי עובדי כוכבים סימן קטז סעיף ה 

עוד כתבו שיש לברוח מן העיר כשדבר בעיר, ויש לצאת מן העיר בתחלת הדבר, ולא בסופו. וכל אלו הדברים הם משום סכנה, ושומר נפשו ירחק מהם ואסור לסמוך אנס או לסכן נפשו בכל כיוצא בזה

Initial growth of an infectious contact network. Colored rectangles denote persons of designated age class, and colored arrows denote groups within which the infectious transmission takes place. In this example, from the adult initial seed (large pu…

Initial growth of an infectious contact network. Colored rectangles denote persons of designated age class, and colored arrows denote groups within which the infectious transmission takes place. In this example, from the adult initial seed (large purple rectangle), 2 household contacts (light purple arrows) bring influenza to the middle or high school (blue arrows) where it spreads to other teenagers. Teenagers then spread influenza to children in households who spread it to other children in the elementary schools. Children and teenagers form the backbone of the infectious contact network and are critical to its spread; infectious transmissions occur mostly in the household, neighborhood, and schools. From Glass, RJ. et al. Targeted Social Distancing Design for Pandemic Influenza. Emerging Infectious Diseases 2006. 12: (11); 1671-1681.

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Ketuvot 8b ~ When Some Plagues End, and Others Begin

This post is for the page of Talmud to be studied tomorrow, Thursday July 14th.

 כתובות דף ח עמוד ב 

 רבון העולמים, פדה והצל, מלט, הושע עמך ישראל מן הדבר ומן החרב ומן הביזה, ומן השדפון ומן הירקון, ומכל מיני פורעניות המתרגשות ובאות לעולם, טרם נקרא ואתה תענה, ברוך אתה עוצר המגפה

Master of the worlds, redeem and save, deliver and help your nation Israel from pestilence, and from the sword, and from plundering, from the plagues of wind blast and mildew [that destroy the crops], and from all types of misfortunes that may break out and come into the world. Before we call, you answer. Blessed are You, who ends the plague.

In tomorrow’s page of Daf Yomi, the secretary of Resh Lakish, a man by called Yehuda bar Nachmani, offers four blessings that may be said as part of the meal eaten at a house of mourning. Although the fourth blessing, "Who ends the plague" (עוצר המגפה) is not said usually today, we do have a tradition of giving thanks when a plague comes to an end.

The Prayer of Thanks After the Cholera Epidemic in London, 1850 

In the nineteenth century, London was ravaged by a series of brief but intense cholera epidemics that killed hundreds at a time in a matter of days. The infectious agent, we know today, was Vibrio Cholerae. If it finds its way into your intestine, its toxin will cause the cells of your gut to excrete water at a remarkable rate. The result is overwhelming dehydration, and death may follow in a matter of hours. (Water-borne cholera epidemics are still common. After the 2012 Haitian earthquake over 4,000 people died from it. That's 4,000 people who survived the earthquake itself, only to die from drinking water that was infected with cholera.)

Like all epidemics, cholera flares up and then disappears, even when no effective medical interventions are available.  It was when one of these devastating outbreaks of cholera had ended, that the Jews of London came together to do what Resh Lakish described. On Nov 1, 1850, they offered a prayer of thanks at the cessation of the plague of cholera.

 

 ידך היתה בבני ארצנו בחלי–רע לאין מרפא רבים חללים הפיל עד שאיש נבוב חת לקול אמות דפק על פתחו וחיל אחז אמין לב בגבורים. אך חנון ירחום אתה, לא לעולם תזנח ולא לנצח תטור אם הבאבת תחבוש, ואם תמחץ ידיך תרפינה. שלחת רוחך ותחלימנו צוית והמגפה נעצרה  

 

 

Your hand lay heavily on the inhabitants of this land. Cholera struck many down. The strongest heart trembled at the voice of death sounding at the threshold, and the boldest among the mighty were seized with terror and anguish. But gracious and and merciful are You; Your wrath does not last long, nor does Your anger last for ever. You strike some and heal. You wound but it is Your hand which prepares the calm. In the depths of our terror and affliction You sent Your spirit and there was a pause. You commanded, and the Plague ceased...
— Service of Thanksgiving on the Cessation of the Cholera, London, Nov 1850.

Why did the cholera epidemic end so quickly? There is, of course a scientific explanation:

[I]t's possible that the V. Cholerae's dramatic reproductive success...had been the agent of its own demise...it quickly burned through its primary fuel supply. There weren't enough small intestines to colonize....It's also possible that the Vibrio cholerae had not been able to survive more than a few days in the well water... With no sunlight penetrating the well, the water would have been free of plankton, and so the bacteria that didn't escape might have slowly starved to death in the the dark, twenty feet below street level...But the most likely scenario is that the bacterium was itself in a life-or-death struggle with another organism: a viral phage that exploits V. cholerae for its own reproductive ends the way V. cholerae exploits the human small intestine. One phage injected into a bacterial cell yields about a hundred new viral particles, and kills the bacterium in the process. After several days of that replication, the population of V. cholerae might have been replaced by phages that were harmless to humans. (Steven Johnson, The Ghost Map, 152).

But this explanation lessens not one bit the religious impulse to give thanks.  

THE END OF ONE PLAGUE, THE BEGINNING OF ANOTHER

In 2015 in West Africa, a terrible Ebola epidemic slowly came to an end. Although there was neither an effective vaccine to prevent Ebola, nor an effective anti-viral to treat it, public health interventions there paid off, and life is slowly returned to normal.

Back in the US, at around the same time. another plague began. That one, while far less lethal that Ebola, was all the more tragic; all the more tragic because it is entirely preventable.  There were more than 100 cases of measles in January 2015 alone (compared to about 600 for all of 2014), most of them linked to exposure in December at Disneyland in California.  I had the measles as a kid. If you were born before the 1970s, it's likely you've had it too. My aunt caught it when she was carrying my cousin, who was born deaf, the result of congenital measles infection.  Back then, there was no vaccine.  There is now.  And don't start with the autism-vaccination thing.  There is no link between autism and vaccination. None.  Yet in significant numbers, Jewish parents - and some of them educated, are refusing to vaccinate their children.  Vaccine denial is not limited to some haredi communities, (though in many cases their vaccination rates are remarkably  low).  It was seen in affluent neighborhoods with highly educated parents, where the vaccine denial movement has become a cult in which any and all scientific evidence is ignored.

In this daf, the secretary of Resh Lakish offered a Prayer of Thanks when a plague ended. But precisely when did he say these words?  At a funeral. The funeral of a young child (ינוקא). The secretary of Resh Lakish offered these words of thanks at a child's funeral, and directed them towards "all Israel" (כנגד כל ישראל), that is, towards the survivors.  How ironic it is, that it is the children who were at most at risk in this measles epidemic. And how tragic that they faced the complications of this illness (including pneumonia, diarrhea, encephalitis, subacute sclerosing pan-encephalitis, and death,) because of the reckless behavior of their parents.

Risk factors of underutilization of childhood immunizations in ultra-orthodox populations. From Muhsen K. el at. Risk factors of underutilization of childhood immunizations in ultraorthodox Jewish communities in Israel despite high access to health care services. Vaccine 2012. 30; 2109–2115

Characteristics of parents who reported vaccine doubts. From Gust D. et al. Parents With Doubts About Vaccines: Which Vaccines and Reasons Why. Gust D. et al. Pediatrics 2008;122: 718–725

Want to read more on vaccine denial and Jewish leadership? Click here for our 2019 article in The Lehrhaus.

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New Essay: When Shemitta and a Pandemic Coincide

This year we are living through both a shemitta year and a pandemic in Israel, and exactly 120 years ago these same conditions were also present as the Jewish inhabitants of Ottoman Palestine faced the threats of a shemitta year and a terrible wave of pandemic cholera.

To read a new essay published at TraditionOnline about how the Jews of the First Aliyah faced that terrible year, and how it differs from the present shmitta-pandemic conjunction, click here.

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Ta'anit 11 ~ Marital Intimacy During a Pandemic

Of all the unusual questions that were asked of rabbis during the COIVD pandemic, one was surprisingly personal: may a husband and wife have intercourse during the pandemic? The question is based on a solid Talmudic source, and it is found in today’s page of Talmud. According to the third century sage Reish Lakish , “it is prohibited for a person to have conjugal relations in years of famine…nevertheless, those without children may have marital relations in years of famine.”

תענית יא, א

אָמַר רֵישׁ לָקִישׁ: אָסוּר לְאָדָם לְשַׁמֵּשׁ מִטָּתוֹ בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: ״וּלְיוֹסֵף יֻלַּד שְׁנֵי בָנִים בְּטֶרֶם תָּבוֹא שְׁנַת הָרָעָב״. תָּנָא: חֲסוּכֵי בָּנִים מְשַׁמְּשִׁין מִטּוֹתֵיהֶן בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן

Reish Lakish said: It is prohibited for a person to have conjugal relations in years of famine, so that children not be born during these difficult years. As it is stated: “And to Joseph were born two sons before the year of famine came” (Genesis 41:50). It was taught in a baraita: Nevertheless, those without children may have marital relations in years of famine, as they must strive to fulfill the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply.

Another sage, Rav Avin, who lived in the early fourth century had a similar teaching. It is found in the Jerusalem Talmud, where he cited a verse from the Book of Job “Wasted from want and starvation, they flee to a parched land,“ and taught “when there is any want in the word, make your wife lonely.”

ירושלמי תענית א,ו

א"ר אבון כתיב (איוב ל) ’בחסר ובכפן גלמוד’ בשעה שאת רואה חסרון בא לעולם עשה אשתך גלמודה

These two teachings found their way into normative Jewish law. The first was codified in Shulkhan Arukh, first published in Venice in 1565, and the second was added to a gloss on it written by the Polish rabbi Moshe Isserles who died in 1572 (and who had himself once fled from a pandemic). “This applies,” he added to his gloss that became the accepted code of practice for Ashkenazi Jews, “to all kinds of natural disasters, for they are just like a famine.”

שולחן ערוך אורח חיים 240:12

אסור לשמש מטתו בשני רעבון אלא לחשוכי בנים [פירוש מי שאין לו בנים] הגה וע"ל סי' תקע"ד ס"ד וה"ה בשאר צרות שהם כרעבון [ירושלמי דתענית]

marItal intimacy during COVID

It was with this background that the question of sexual intercourse during the COVID pandemic was asked, and according to Rabbi Shai Tahan of Brooklyn, New York it was asked “many times” (see his Shut Shuf Veyativ, 97).

The answer would depend on the reason behind the Talmudic prohibition, and here context is important. The statement of Reish Lakish was cited as one of several rabbinic rulings that forbade a person to separate from the community during a natural disaster. Following Reish Lakish, the Talmud added that “when the community is deeply suffering, a person may not say: “I will go to my home and I will eat and drink, and peace be upon you, my soul.” Instead, “a person should be distressed together with the community. As we found with Moses our teacher that he was distressed together with the community.” Intercourse during a natural disaster suggests a level of personal pleasure that is not consonant with the parallel communal suffering. This was the way that the French medieval commentator Rashi (1040-1105) understood the prohibition, observing that during a famine “a person must conduct himself as if he is suffering” even if, perhaps, he is not. This was also the understanding of a super commentary on Rashi written by Eliyahu ben Abraham Mizrahi of Constantinople, (c.1475 - c.1525); the reason of prohibition is that “he should not be enjoying life while the rest of the world suffers” (Mizrachi on Gen. 41:3).

As Rabbi Tahan pointed out, the medieval commentary on the Talmud known as Tosafot explained that refraining from intercourse during a famine was a “pious action” but was not required, and furthermore, during COVID, the majority of the population was not technically “in distress.” Rabbi Tahan therefore ruled that there was no prohibition for a husband and wife to have intercourse during the pandemic, regardless of whether they had children. Rabbi Nahman Steinmetz of the community of Skverer Hasidim in New York also issued permission, as did Rabbi Asher Kleinman of Flatbush. (See Steinmetz, Sefer Ateret Nevonim, 379-383. Kleinman, Bigdei Hamudot, 286-288.)

The Prohibition during World War II

The question of whether it was appropriate for a husband and wife to have intercourse during a natural disaster was also asked about a man-made one. In 1940, Rabbi Yisroel Alter Landau (c.1884-1942), who was the Head of the Rabbinic Court in the northern Hungarian town of Edeleny (in Yiddish, Edelen) was asked whether under the present circumstances (which at the time were the Hungarian siding with the Axis powers), the Talmudic prohibition was in order. “As a result of our many sins this is a time of great hardship for Jacob and Israel,” wrote his interlocutor.  

Israel is enslaved in most countries [in Europe] and also here [in Edeleny] both physically and spiritually. We are made to work very hard, just as it was in Egypt. We have to repair the roads, and in many places the yeshivot and mikva’ot [ritual baths] have been closed…and because of our many sins there are new decrees against Israel each and every day. May God have mercy on us and may we see His deliverance very soon. As a result, it would seem fitting for every Jewish husband to separate physically from his wife and not engage in marital relations, even if he himself is not in any danger, for it is still a time of great hardship for Israel.

But his lengthy responsa concluded that there was no need to rule strictly and forbid conjugal relations, although each person should decide for themselves “for a wise person has eyes in his head.” (Ecclesiastes 2:14). Rabbi Landau died of natural causes in 1942; his wife Rachel, and several of their adult children were murdered by the Nazis in 1941 and 1942.

The most pessimistic book in Hebrew literature

However, during the First World War there was a rabbinic ruling that did in fact forbid conjugal relations. It was published in 1916 by Shimon Pollak who lived in Waitzen (today Vac in Hungary, some twenty-two miles north of Budapest.) In a short book called Kol Haramah Vehafrasha - קול הרמה והפרשה - he reviewed the awful situation in which the Jews found themselves in war-stricken Eastern Europe:

Shimon Pollak. Kol Haramah Vehafrasha. Waitzen 1916, 31.

…Consider the many terrible troubles, blows, the sword, murder, loss and the fires consuming the women of Zion and the countless young girls in Jewish towns who are ravaged, and the young Jewish men who are hanged by the enemy, not to mention the elderly and the infants. We could never end mourning for them…and then there is the desecration of Shabbat, and the eating of non-kosher food that thousands upon thousands have committed…and there are the women who do not know what has become of their husbands, and the many children who depend upon them, all of whom wander without respite for their weary feet…they do not know the fates of their fathers or their mothers, their sons or their daughters, their brothers and sisters. Where are they wandering? Are they even still alive? ...It is certain therefore that there is a complete and utter prohibition for conjugal relations.

This is surely one of the most pessimistic books ever to appear in Hebrew literature, for while Jeremiah told of the destruction of Jerusalem, Rabbi Pollak recounted not a sad Jewish past, but a bleak Jewish future. So bleak, in fact, that there was no place in it for any new Jewish life.

The Munkacz Rebbe Disagreed

Rabbi Hayyim Elazar Spira (1871-1937), head of the Rabbinic Court of Munkacz (today Mukachevo) in western Ukraine also addressed the question in a work published in 1930. He noted that during and after the First World War the question of prohibiting conjugal relations had arisen, but that it had been permitted. One of the reasons for permitting relations was that the war and the later troubles that befell the Jewish people (including the Bolshevik uprising) seemed endless. Under these depressing circumstances, it would be necessary to prohibit conjugal relations” forever,” and that would clearly be improper.

Rabbi Spira also wrote that he had heard of “a certain leader who ruled that conjugal relations were absolutely forbidden for the duration of the [First World] war.” And then comes this remarkable passage.

This brought me incredible laughter, that which this old man (close to eighty) had warned against, and that which he ruled for his children. It made a laughingstock of us all. When we heard of this our hearts would sink for their ruling had no basis, and it is terrible to continue to speak of such a thing. Perhaps much was hidden from the eyes and the thinking of this old man. May the Master [God] forgive him! [c.f. Sanhedrin 99a.] Still, he should be given some respect. But nevertheless, the practical halakha is that Heaven forbid would we ever prohibit this.

Although Rabbi Spira did not identify the “old man” whose ruling he so disparaged, it was almost certainly Rabbi Pollak of Waitzen. See Hayyim Elazar Spira, Nimukei Orah Hayyim [Legal Descisions on Orah Hayyim] (New York: Edison Lithographic, 1930), (Hebrew)# 574, 106. Rabbi Pollak’s pessimism was rejected, even at a time when the Jewish feature seemed far more bleak than ever before.

Intimacy during a war in Israel

In volume eleven of his responsa, Rabbi Elhanan Prince of Mahon Meir in Jerusalem addressed another question that arises from the passage in today’s daf yomi: In Israel, may a married couple have intercourse during a military offensive? Here is the opening passage:

At a time when there is great danger to the House of Jacob, while our enemies are sewing fear and concern among our people, and our soldiers are risking their lives to restore peace and security to our borders, and fighting with all their strength to defeat those who would rise up to destroy us, and many are fighting on foreign territory, the question arises whether a married soldier who is on leave may have marital relations. Indeed, the same may be asked of any civilian: is it permitted to have marital relations at a time that we are at war and in mortal danger?

Having studied today’s page of Talmud, this is, of course a perfectly reasonable question. His responsa is a fascinating read. It cites, for example, the opinion of the Torah Temimah (Gen. 41:50) who wrote that the ruling only applied to those who were wealthy, for they are generally insulated from communal troubles. But for a person who is already personally familiar with the challenge of the moment - like a soldier - “why” asked Rabbi Prince “is is necessary to add to his pain?”

תורה תמימה בראשית 41:50

ונראה באור דבריהם, דבאמת לאיש שהוא מסובל בצער הרעב אין סברא להוסיף צער במניעת תה"מ שנקרא ענוי [ע"ל ס"פ ויצא], אלא רק למי שאין לו כל צער ודאגה מחמת הרעב, כמו עשירים גדולים ובעלי אוצרות תבואה וכדומה, כמו יוסף, להם ראוי להשתתף עם הצבור בצער זה תמורת צער הרעב שאין מרגישים בו

After citing many lenient authorities, Rabbi Prince also rules that in fact, during a military offensive, Israeli civilians and soldiers are permitted to have marital intimacy. While at first blush this question is perhaps slightly unusual, at its core it is a reminder that the Jewish people should share life’s burdens, or at least feel them. For those who live outside of Israel, just reading today’s page of Talmud is a good way to recall that while we sit in comfort, each and every day soldiers of the Israel Defense Forces sacrifice for the security of us all. Their safety should always be part of our prayers.

משנה ברורה או’ח 240:12:46

ואם יצרו מתגבר עליו ויש חשש שיבוא לידי השחתת זרע כתב א"ר בשם ספר דברי דוד בסימן תקע"ד להקל וכ"כ בספר בית מאיר לאה"ע

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